Jharkhandi World - Jharkhandi.org - Adivasi, Ranchi, Jamshedpur, Tata, Bokaro, Dhanbad, Dumka, Jharkhand

Jharkhand — Thu, 16 Oct 2008 08:47:31 +0000

Jharkhand.org.in presents Nagpuri / Sadri / Hindi Hot Video Song made in Jharkhand

Jharkhand — Thu, 16 Oct 2008 08:46:31 +0000

Bhamra, kudmali jhumar…

Jharkhand — Thu, 16 Oct 2008 08:42:30 +0000

Jharkhand.org.in presents Modern Nagpuri / Khortha Video Song made in Jharkhand

Loving gift from Jharkhand

Jharkhand — Thu, 17 Jul 2008 22:11:46 +0000

Jharkhandi.org – presents Jharkhandi (Kurukh) Video – 62

Jharkhand — Thu, 17 Jul 2008 22:09:11 +0000

Jharkhand Forum hot discussion on Adivasi drink, Handia

Jharkhand — Wed, 02 Jul 2008 02:07:00 +0000

1. Traditional drink ‘Handia’ sells like hotcakes in Orissa
http://news.webindia123.com/news/articles/India/20080620/979263.html

In the tribal areas of Orissa, the traditional drink ‘Handia’ is very much in demand in summer.

The drink made by fermenting rice through a special procedure, is intoxicating, keeps the stomachs cool and is a source of high energy. In the process, the tribals also make good money out of the sales.

Some call the country liqour the poor man’s whisky. It is popularly known as ‘Chipa Handia’ or ‘Badaej Handia’ among the tribals.

The drink is immensely popular among the tribals in the region as it is commonly used during marriages, birth anniversaries and festivals.

It is also considered as a sacred drink and is offered to deities and used in other rituals.

The word originates from ‘Handi’ a big earthen pot in which the rice is fermented.

The procedure involves soaking and boiling rice in water. After that a herbal root, locally known as ‘Bakhar’, is powdered and mixed with the rice. The mixture is kept untouched for two days for fermentation. The liquid then is allowed to trickle down a bamboo sieve and collected in earthen pots.

“Handia is not a harmful drink. It is rather beneficial. It’s consumption also has cultural relevance as it is being consumed for ages. Some people think that people can fall sick with it and it can also lead to death but that is not true. The energy we get from the drink is much more than what we obtain from our usual diet,” said Raghunath Soren, a villager.

It is essentially a summer drink as it protects people from extreme heat conditions.

“The drink keeps our stomach cool and is also intoxicating. Though we can make it at home, we enjoy having it outside. We drink around two to three glasses costing Rs four to five,” said Arun Patra, a villager.

The drink has also become a source of livelihood for unemployed people in the region.

“We make good money during summers and earning comes to around Rs 200-250. During winters, we earn approximately Rs 70-80,” said Lali Baske, a seller.

The tribals have inherited from their forefathers the procedure of making the traditional drink and the craft passes on from generation to generation. (ANI)
Ven
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

2. It is true but certainly not healthy and in fact it has become a curse for the tribal people.They drink so much that it affects their health, productivity and lead to neglect of thier health and family welfare and eventual early death. Their drinking habit is one of the causes why they have not made much progress since independence of India in spite of all the beneficial provisions by the government.

Dhuni
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

3. As much as the Tribals, the drinking habit of people in general has affected the development of human society. It is easy to blame the tribals for all their misfortunes but don’t non-tribals drink and do worse things? I know for a fact that in cities like Bangalore and Hyderabad well educated IT professionals consume phenomenal amounts of alcohol. Same goes for police and govt officers everywhere. One visit to the press club of delhi reveals that a lot more alcohol flows down there than expected. How about this – a certain club meant for officers and the elite of Orissa has the maximum alcohol consumption amongst all bars and shops in the whole state! All these people do end up doing wrong things that affect development more than the drinking habit of tribal people. I am not justifying the drinking habit of tribals though I would rather endorse unadulterated Handia, Tadi, Sulphi, Mahuli, etc over Rum, Whiskey, Vodka, Gin!

Surya Dash
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

4. Logic can’t be put forward that every one is doing wrong that’s why I done. It is remarkable that lot’s losses are in front of tribal community causing these bad habits. We should have to advocate for avoiding it in maximum number of cases. Other wise the cause for their deprivation may be noting by this habits.

Rajeev Pandey
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

5. Dear friends
It is good to know that Handia is not a life threatening drink. But this info is only from its users in Orissa. Similar drinks are made in villages in other states. For instance, in Vizag dist of AP, four types of liquor is made amd consumed with the belief that it is healthier. These are made of rice like handia, Jeelugu juice, panas (jack fruit) etc. There is a need for us to validate these drinks and look for the nutritional value in them. I believe firmly that there will be some constitutents,which are nutritious enough. Based on the results of their testing we may consider its value addition and commercialization. Such venture will bring to the villagers more income than what they are earning now.

We all may try and bring out few nutritious drinks to the market from handia like herbal based drinks of villages.

Ganesham
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

6. Friends, while abuse of the drink can be criticized, but wholsale condemnation is not warranted as Handia is an important cultural/religious drink. Would we criticiae the wine drinking habit of christians since it is related to Christianity?

A Case Study on Munda Women in Keonjhar District, Orissa

Nirupama Satpathy and Rashmi Ranjan Satpathy

Paper presented at the conference Livelihoods and Poverty Reduction: Lessons From Eastern India, 25-27 September 2001, by Nirupama Satpathy, Research Associate (Gender) in Livelihood research project in Keonjhar district of Orissa, and Rashmi Ranjan Satpathy, Research Associate in Livelihood research project in Keonjhar district of Orissa.

Impact of Handia on tribal people
The term “Handia” is used in the Chotanagpur plateau for local consumption. It is a country liquor made from fragmented rice with toxic herbs. It is a liquid substance, which is essential among the tribal community, especially in the Munda and Santhal tribes. Handia is regarded as a popular drink among the tribals of Keonjhar, Mayurbhanja, Sundargarh, Deogarh, Sambalpur, Balangir, Dhenkanal and Angul Districts of Orissa and also in other states like Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal. It is also found among the tribals in Bangladesh and Nepal. It is very difficult to know which tribes initiated the use of Handia. Both Munda and Santhal claim to be the inventor of it. Handia is now a very popular drink in the whole Chotanagpur region. Initially Munda and Santhal used it but nowadays it is getting popular in other castes and other tribes, like Kissan, Ho, Oram and Bhumija. It is also called “Diang” in Munda, “Handi” in Santahaly and “Kusuna” in Kissan.

Handia occupies a pivotal role in the tribal community, socially, culturally and economically. Handia is accepted as a most sacred drink in the Munda and Santhal tribes. It has religious uses and values. Handia is offered to local deities and in dead ancestors’ rituals.

The use of Handia is very common in the occasion of marriages, birth anniversaries and festivals. The festivals are: Baa Parba and Nuakhai (Phulabaguni), Akhitrutiya, Raja Parba, Ratha Yatra and Rakhi Parba. Handia is the best treat for guests and friends, and it has been used in this way from time immemorial.

From a social and cultural point of view, Handia binds the tribals together like a string of thread.

Firstly, during social meetings and social functions (i.e. marriage, birth and death rituals), the tribals greet each other with Handia.

Secondly, while going to friends’ or relatives’ houses, they take Handia with them as a present. It indicates the status, love and affection of the guests. Similarly, the host also welcomes them with Handia.

Thirdly, at the time of common rituals and cultural functions, the tribal people drink Handia, dance and enjoy themeselves together. During funeral ceremonies, the deceased’s household offers Handia to villagers and relatives. But in these days Handia is not made in the deceased’s house. So the relatives bring Handia with them to help the household. In this study, it is observed that Handia occupies a most important place in day-to-day life of the tribal community.

In the preparation and business of Handia, the tribal women play the key role, as its production is regarded as kitchen work. It also generates significant income for the household. By promoting Handia preparation and sales, the tribal women have been able to make economic gains.

Methodology

The present study has been undertaken in five villages of Keonjhar district as part of a livelihood research project. The study is based entirely on primary information collected from the households, information which is both quantitative and qualitative. Qualitative data were collected about production processes, methods of sale, reciprocal trading relations and seasonal household consumption. The quantitative data were also collected on the seasonal production of Handia and Ranu, income within and outside the village, investment of labour time, total expenditure on production, consumption and sale of Ranu (in kg) and Handia (in litres), differentiated by season. Focus group discussions in villages were also used to collect information regarding the social, cultural, and religious importance of Handia in their society. This study is basically designed with a holistic in-depth approach. Some case studies of Munda women and non-tribal business households were also conducted to obtained detailed qualitative and quantitative information. We also visited the Handia Hat and Handia Godown to clarify the marketing procedure of Handia and Ranu. Group discussions with non-tribal persons involved in the Handia business were also conducted, the perception of Handia by other people was investigated, and a case study of non-tribal people was made.
We also collected secondary information regarding the impact of Handia on health and legal status from the Medical and Excise department of Keonjhar District.

Uses of Handia

Handia is used for two purposes – consumption and business. Previously, tribal people used Handia only for consumption, but during the last 30 years it has also been used for business purposes.

Consumption purpose

The tribal people (from children to old people) take Handia as an important drink at breakfast, lunch and dinner. One can manage for 10 to 15 days without any other food. During the summer season, Handia saves the body from sunstroke. By drinking Handia, the tribals become more energetic during work. Similarly, in the time of cold, it heats the body.

It also compensates for the deficiency of food for as much as 10 to 15 days for tribal people who cannot get even one meal a day. So Handia is regarded as a supplementary food for tribals. Nowadays other caste people also consume Handia for intoxication. As a result, Handia has become commercialized gradually. But these consumers do not allow their children to consume Handia.

Business purpose

During the last 30 years the tribal people have used Handia for business purposes. When the Munda tribes from Bihar migrated to Orissa and settled in different parts of Keonjhar and other districts, they initiated the Handia business and gradually it spread to the tribes in Orissa, who were attracted by the Handia practices (Munda and Santhal tribes). It is a secondary source of livelihood for most of the tribals. Some tribals accept the business as a primary source of income. Most Munda and some Mahanta and Majhi tribal women prepare and sell Handia among the neighbours and at the market. There are four categories of households engaged in the Handia business:

Households engaged in “Ranu” preparation and sale at the market. (Ranu is a tablet composed of rice and roots, which is necessary for preparing Handia). Households engaged in the Handia business who purchase “Ranu” from others. Households engaged in both “Ranu” and Handia preparation and business. Households engaged in collecting roots from the forest and selling them at the market.

Composition of Handia

Uncleansed rice (of a slightly reddish colour) and the tablet “Ranu” are used to prepare Handia. Ranu has various local names, e.g. Mullica / Mulikia and Bakhar. Some of the tribals told us that they did not previously use this tablet, but nowadays they use it for business purpose to make the Handia more intoxicating. Some of the tribals also informed us that the tablet has always been used in Handia production because without it the prepared Handia will decompose.

Complete paper available @ http://handiya.blogspot.com/2008/06/handia-source-of-livelihood-of-adivasi.html

Ven
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

7. Well researched and written but the real life experience and effect of its use or misuse is quite different.I am saying this from my personal knowledge.It is true that hadia is used for all social and cutural and religious purposes and no social occasion is complete without the use of Handia. But the use of this toxic drink beyond these occasions make it harmful, dangerous and addictive. Some of the symptoms stated in the article when they do not drink are nothing but symptoms of addiction of alcohol. This leads to more drink and deterioration of their physical and mental health specially with poor tourishment,neglect of thier family, debt and destruction. They have to understand this and the outside observers should appreciate and discourage the tribal people to do something about this rather than just say that it is part of their culture. The Christian missonaries understood this and tried to forbid the use of alcohol in the converted tribals.But unfortunately, now it is spreading amongst them and all other non tribal educated people as a fashion.But they can afford the luxury and the cost and protect their health and family.So let us all appreciate that this is a bad habit and we should discourage them from using Handia.

Dhuni
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

8. Dear friend,
Very sorry to say that let us not get intoxicated to research on handia. leave the handia with tribals. 40% lands not cultivated in Jharkhand if it is done let them drink more Handia as much as they want because it will kill their body pain. Is it possible for all of us who loves Jharkhand to think about it so that it really responds to the need of tribals.

Pradyu.
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

9. Storm in a tea (sorry, hadia) cup?
No, there’s a real issue. And the issue is adulterated, commercialized liquor in the adivasi areas. I have come across adulterated paurau in the plains of Mayurbhanj, Midnapore, adulterated ippa sara in the Chenchu lands of Nallamala, Andhra. Paurau or ippa sara are really the same drink, distilled from flowers of Bassia latifolia in a millenia-old technique by various Austric and Dravidian speaking peoples in India. A wonderful drink, I have had it in its purest form, home-brewed from matkom flowers collected from the forest by the women of the family, in the home of a Santhal friend of mine. But I also know how a businessman in a large village near Baripada makes and sells spurious brew to local adivasi villagers and has made a fortune out of tricking unsuspecting villagers at the cost of their health and wellbeing, ironically coopting (subverting?) their culture to do so. And sorry to say, while I am all for harmony, and I am not an adivasi myself, this businessman is a diku.

The hadia business was not into such dangerous territory when I was last around in those parts. It was mostly entrepreneurship by adivasi women. It does have potentiasl danger areas though.

Yes, and while hadia is still clean and safe, it’s a great pick me up while working one’s back off. Nothing like a hadia on a hot summer day of hard labour. Cheers to that!
And a warm Johar to all who agree.

Arnab Sen
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

10. Or venkat, would we criticize the ganja, bhang and charas consuming habits of Hindus because it is related to Hindusim? No will we not, would we?

It is interesting how you define Hadia as a religious drink. Lord forgive venkat cos he does not know the limits of his ignorance.

Isaac
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

11. Dear All,

It is a fact that Handia is cheaper than other alcoholic beverages. So its wide use.

Question comes, if all distilled modern alcohol becomes cheaper and cost at par with Handia, what will happen? I think this will be taken by many civilised and so called urbanites as frequent as tea. In this situation, should it be encouraged ?.

In my view any alcoholic drink/narcotics has some effects on society. Only its limitations are to be ensured by the social engineers/reformers .

Balaram Sahu
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

12. Tribals throughout India have their own method of brewing liquor from various raw materials, grains, fruits, sugar ofious forms..etc.nd each brew has its own speciality local ingredients. This has been going on since times immemorial and nobody interferes with their traditional practices, a part of their culture and part of religious rites, if Isaac is unaware of.

They do not booze to such levels as civilised Societies as we find daily boozed youngsters involved in car accidents in the metropolitan cities in particular. In Gandhiji’s India, Kerala has the highest percapita consumption o alcohol and Govt. Corporation (State Beeverages Corpn.) promotes drinking by retailing liquor at every location in the State!! Isaac perhaps comes from Kerala on evangelical mission to tribal Jharkand.

Ganja,Charas..etc. are mainly traded by the cultured Scoiety to enslave the innocent tribals, as British did to Chinese in the previous Century and traded HongKong on a 100 year lease. These were the Catholic missionaries in action at HongKong and Macao in trading Ganja and Charas to the addicted Chinese.

Most of the carriers of drugs and bootleggers in the Country are non-Hindu-s though they form an insignificant minority in the Country.

S Kumar
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

13. Eastablishment of change process is needful than debat. We should try to upgrade ourself from cast and religion politics.

I hope you may understand the one of the barrier behind Jharkhand development.

Rajeev Pandey
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

14. Hi,

It was a pleasure to go through the views expressed by the members.. infact it is a good learning experience for me. Though i hail from Jharkhand itself, however, my knowledge about the cultures here is quite poor.

I strongly disagree with what Mr. S. Kumar said and would go with the views of Mr. Dhuni.

Any form of intoxication, as per my thinking is bad… be it consuming the same during cultural activities or under the grab of tradition. Traditions are meant to be changed for the betterment.

I request Mr. Kumar to traverse the place he resides in, if it is a tribal area, esp. during evenings and night.. he will definitely find small huts created by the local persons for the purposes of sale and consumption of toxic substances… be it the traditional form of Hadia or the complex form of Ganja.. and people do it just for the sake of releiving their pain, sufferings, etc.. and thereafter develop into a habit..

Its just like the case that consumed once, you get addict to it… though innocently… and it not only affects the financial position but also the family as well…

We all know about the after effects of consumption esp. in teh weeker sectors.. of the community..

Hope we could develop a means to uplift them to ensure that they do not fall into these methods.

Ashutosh
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

15. I also fully agree. It is our responsibility to educate the poor about the harms from addiction and hand-hold them to learn the benefits from quality life style. Unfortunately the Government and educated population are least taking necessary initiatives in Jharkhand to overcome such unhealthy traditions and culture. We must all agree to fight against all such addictive products which cause financial and health damages, especially to the poor and disadvantaged consumers.

Bejon Misra
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

16. Dear All,

Sometimes we tribals are much insulted in public domain by the so-called cultured and civilized people. I don’t know whether you discuss on tribal issues in public domain to help us or destroy our culture, identity and ethos. I know there are many so-called cultured communities who can not sleep without a drink and much more but those matters don’t become the matter of discussion in public domain.

I don’t see anyone discussing on the basic culture, tradition and ethos of the tribals which are community livings, gender equality, community ownership, common property, democratic decision (traditional self governance), autonomy, honesty and non-profit.
••
Many people, civil society organizations and NGOs who are engaged in promoting tribal culture and traditions just romanticise, define it as per their interest and confined it to songs, dances and paintings. This clearly shows that how much people are really concerned about it? I know we tribal will always suffer till we would be able to defeat the ruling ideologies and we are on the way to challenge…!

Gladson Dungdung
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

17. Dear Gladson Dungdung

Really, we feel pain to read you, how could we leave any one to destroy the community whom we are talking.

Could we think and plan to stop romanticise activity by such type of people, please suggest possible way to stop it.

Rajeev Pandey
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

18. Dear Friends,

No one wants to lose their business and especially in the era of globalization where the market determines everything including your thought, expression and action. These days I really laugh to see the activities of NGOs headed by non-tribals (except a few good people). They organize some tribal dance, singing activities like Duran, Paika, group dance. They provide some instruments to the villagers, publish the news in media and send the paper clippings to their donors. The donors also feel so happy. I also surprise to see the activities of media because they never carry out the stories when tribals do their cultural activities in normal way.

For example there is a tradition of our village that we used to gather in akhra (place of cultural activities), sing and dance together on every saturday. But I have never seen any media carrying out the story. These days many NGOs are working in my village they come to village on Saturday, sit nearby Akhra and take some photographs. Sometimes they also bring some white people to show the event. They tell them in english that they are reviving our culture and get huge donation from the donor agencies. Really good business…! There are hundreds of examples like this and many would be shocked if I write everything like this…!

How to over come these…? One way is to expose those people and NGOs in public domain who are doing the business like this and ask them that how much money they get from whom in the name of protection and conversation of the tribal culture and tradition. Ask they how many tribals work in their NGOs and in what positions? Ask them to live in the village with tribals may be for 3 to 5 years (not more because they will grab the land) for real experience then only they would come to know the real tribal culture, tradition which would become guiding force for them in their real work.

I don’t see any NGO promoting the basic tribal culture except dance, singing and painting these are a few manifestations therefore I would suggest they must lear it first but they will not do it I know. Because unless they break the basic culture of tribals they won’t be able to take away the resources of tribals.

Gladson Dungdung
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

19. Dear Gladson,

I have seen some of your comments. Interesting a valid.

Especially regarding the speciality of tribal culture and identity.(in another mail)

I am a non-tribal today, but all of us have had tribal ancestors long back. This is how humanity developed over aperiod of several millennia, especially before ten thousand BC.

There are two kinds of problematic attitutdes I encounter: One of the non tribal intellectuals trying to ‘develop’ the tribals; and another, of tribal intellectuals trying to romanticise the tribal identity and culture.

A better course is to define human development, and understand the processes of human evolution, and then think in what direction the tribal communities may gry to evolve; or maintain their presnet culture for ever.

P. K. Siddharth
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

20. Dear friends,
whatever we are writing in the net are our thoughts which are are manifesting as reactions.there are few inherrent questins like , Howmany tribal or tribal leaders are aware of their real culture ? The development workers culture is completely different from tribal culture.ARE, We the internet insects really interested to go to village & educate the people and change our own culture ?I have seen in jharkhand NGOs running between pillar to post for money. The issue is not the tribal or non tribal the issue is NEED.

Anyway iff i have hurt any one or anyones thought it is un intentional.

Pradyut.
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

21. During my official tours to the various locations all over the Country, towards the developmental programmes under Special Component Plan and Tribal Development Plan for Rural and Tribal Developments under the Centre, I have visited several such far off locations in the interiors of even forests and observed the life of these people, deprived of the modern facilities.

What I have noted is my personal observation of almost all these locations, where the brewing and drinking of alcohol in different forms are in vogue since hundreds of years without any toxicity and deaths due to poisoning. Liquor poisoning is of recent origin when Methanol, a cheap substitute is added to the drinks.

Indeed drinking alcohol is bad for the health of the Society. But these tribals and rural artisans/ workers who do the physical work throughout the day, often in the open exposed to the extremes of weather, try to get some solace by a few drinks at night to forget the pain.

Nevertheless, I do not justify this practice but this is my observation. Drinking is a Social evil, but it is ubiquitous from the top to the bottom of every Society irrespective of their stature or economic levels.

To develop the tribals to be self sufficient and active, we should encourage their traditional skills in bamboo works or collecting honey and forest produce like several Ayurvedic raw materials from the trees and plants, or agriculture and horticulture..etc., providing them inputs and providing a marketing channel by a Govt. organisation like Forest Development Corporation. The conditions and modus operandi varies from location to location.

Once the tribals are assured of good return for their activities through such market support from a Govt. run body, their standard of life would improve and schools up to the middle levels could be stablished in the tribal clusters to study up to say Std.V or VIII to begin with.

What I have noticed in most of these areas is the attempts by evangelical groups to convert these tribals to Christianity in the guise of helping them- which they do by finances, clothing..etc. until they are converted.

Service to Tribals should be without any strings attached and they should be allowed to continue their faiths unhindered or incidents like Staines and India Vision may recur when situations go out of control

S Kumar
Member, Jharkhand Forum
www.jharkhand.org.in/members

Dalits, Adivasis and Naxalites

Jharkhand — Fri, 27 Jun 2008 02:29:00 +0000

Government of India: Guilty as charged

Here is a report from none other than a panel of the Planning Commission of the Govt of India on the Naxalite violence in the country. Its verdict for the Government of India is: GUILTY AS CHARGED.

There is no end to the studies of popular discontent in India, and the Indian nation state is always eager to find ways to control such uprisings of discontent. That it fails strongly is a moot point, for it the main point is that it wins. It has the army, the police, the required ability to brutalise its own people and the complete lack of scruples. But after all that, New Delhi’s writ still does not run in nearly one-third of the country.

From time to time, New Delhi’s rulers keep setting up committees to study the Naxalite problems. And for India, the Planning Commission is one of the most reliable repository of comprehensive information. That it is also a helpless witness to the government’s unpardonable apathy to its important proposals for remedying the situation all these years is a separate story.

The government however requires the Commission for hard statistical facts and figures, and understanding of what is happening at the ground level. That after all this, the GoI leaves all planning to the magnates of the market economy is also a different story.

Quite rightly, the report says that poverty does create deprivation but other factors like denial of justice, human dignity, cause alienation and this results in the conviction that relief can be had outside the system by breaking the current order asunder.

The story that we are to tell you is based on a report now in the possession of the WSN that was commissioned by the government to understand Naxal problem. That even such a wonderfully produced report may also end up with the usual obligatory list of remedial measures should not reduce its importance since these measures have remained unimplemented for years.

“Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas” is the title of the report of an expert group set up by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Dated March 2008, the report contains meticulously collected latest facts and figures, rigorously examines the causes of the continuing economic exploitation and social discrimination in the adivasi and dalit-inhabited areas even after 60 years of independence. It is significant that this particular expert group was set up by the government in May 2006, in the background of increasing Naxalite activities in Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Orissa.

The group consisted of a variety of people ranging from veteran ex-bureaucrats (like D Bandyopadhya who chaired it, and is well known for his implementing the Operation Barga land reform measure in West Bengal, and S R Sankaran who heads the Hyderabad-based Committee of Concerned Citizens which had been trying to bring the Andhra Pradesh government and the Maoist rebels to the negotiating table) to retired police officers like Prakash Singh, ex-director general of police, Uttar Pradesh and Ajit Doval, former director of the Intelligence Bureau. From the other end of the spectrum, we have well known activists and academics like K Balagopal of the human rights movement and Sukhadeo Thorat, chairman of the University Grants Commission and a champion of Dalit emancipation, among others.

That a mixed bag of this nature, consisting of experts from different disciplines with differing opinions, could prepare a consensus report on several contentious issues and come up with a unanimously agreed set of recommendations, suggests that all is not lost. But all will be, given the Government of India’s ability at remaining deaf and dumb.

While the official attitude is to blame the Naxalites for violence, and call all actions “an act of cowardice”, this report talks about the structural violence implicit in the social and economic system and underlines how Naxalites have indeed carried out certain socio-economic reforms in their areas of control. These are the reforms that the executive ought to have implemented. The deep shade of Red is replacing the judiciary and the police in ensuring law and order for the poor and the oppressed.

Dalits, Adivasis and Naxalites

Although the terms of reference did not specifically mention Naxalites (or Maoists), the group’s brief was to identify causes of unrest and discontent in areas affected by “widespread displacement, forest issues, insecure tenancies and others forms of exploitation like usury, land alienation and imperfect market conditions…”. Clearly, such areas fall in the above-mentioned five states – and significantly enough, the group organised field visits in these areas to observe the situation at first hand, on the basis of which it has come out with stark revelations that expose the culpability of the state in denying the poor their basic rights, the treachery of a corrupt bureaucracy to implement the laws, and its complicity with a trigger-happy police to suppress popular protest.

Maintaining that “the main support for the Naxalite movement comes from dalits and adivasis”, the group concentrated on these two sections (termed as scheduled castes and scheduled tribes respectively in official parlance) which comprise about one-fourth of India’s population, the majority living in rural areas.

Apart from the high levels of poverty, the dalits suffer from various types of disadvantages like limited employment opportunities, political marginalisation, low education, social discrimination, and human rights violation. As for the adivasi population, besides remaining backward in all aspects of human development including education, health, nutrition, etc, they have been steadily losing their traditional tribal rights and command over resources. The report points out in this connection the administration’s failure to implement the protective regulations in scheduled areas, which has resulted in land alienation, forced eviction from land, dependence of the tribals on moneylenders – made worse often by “violence by the state functionaries”.

Incidentally, every dalit and adivasi poor in India have not joined the Naxalite movement. There are many states with pockets of high proportion of adivasis and dalits but little Naxalite influence, as in Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat and Rajasthan. The report quite rightly points out that “poverty does create deprivation but other factors like denial of justice, human dignity, cause alienation resulting in the conviction that relief can be had outside the system by breaking the current order asunder”. It adds that for such a violent upheaval to happen, there is the likelihood of the “spread of awareness and consciousness”. And this is where, as the report suggests, the Maoists have played a significant role by stepping into the craters of dalit and adivasi deprivation in the five states, and organising the deprived for their rights.

Its authors situate the Naxalite movement in the historical context of the “development paradigm pursued since independence”, which they assert, has “aggravated the prevailing discontent among marginalised sections of society”. While explaining the current surge in Naxalite activities, they slam the neoliberal “directional shift in government policies towards modernisation and mechanisation, export orientation, diversification to produce for the market, withdrawal of various subsidy regimes and exposure to global trade” as “an important factor in hurting the poor in several ways”.

Following this conceptual approach, they look at the Maoist movement in a way that is different from the prevalent official attitude which primarily blames the Naxalites for the violence. Instead, the present report lays stress on the “structural violence which is implicit in the social and economic system” and which in the opinion of its authors prompts the radical groups to justify their own violent acts. The authors of the report admit that the Naxalites have indeed carried out certain socio-economic reforms in their areas of control.

It is better that India recognises this reality and legitimises the positive Naxalite contribution to the implementation of the pro-poor laws – which the state had failed to carry out. In other words, the government should negotiate a settlement that allows the Naxalites to run their administration in their pockets of control.

Naxalites as a Surrogate State

The report brings out that the Maoists are actually carrying out the reforms that the executive ought to have implemented, and are replacing the judiciary and the police in ensuring law and order for the poor and the oppressed.

In the forest areas of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, the Vidarbha region of Maharashtra, Orissa and Jharkhand, the Naxalites have led the adivasis to occupy forest lands that they should have enjoyed in the normal course of things under their traditionally recognised rights, but which were denied by government officials through forest settlement proceedings that have “taken place behind the back and over the head of the adivasi forest dwellers”. While the government remained indifferent to the need for paying minimum wages to the adivasi tendu leaf gatherers in Andhra Pradesh, the Naxalites by launching a movement have secured increases in the rate of payment for the picking. The practice of forced labour in the same state, under which the toiling castes had to provide free labour to the upper castes, was done away with due to a “major upsurge led by the Naxalites in the late 1970s and early 1980s of the last century…”. Commenting on the “peoples courts” set up by the Naxalites in their areas of control, the report observes that “disputes are resolved in a rough and ready manner, and generally in the interest of the weaker party”.

The report also reveals how despite change of government, successive rulers suppress the poor and the disadvantaged. There is a design behind this continuity. The rulers, irrespective of party affiliations, are lackadaisical and sloppy in implementing pro-poor legal measures. But the moment the Maoists try to enforce those measures they are quick to use against them with extreme efficiency another set of laws – the draconian laws that have been enacted over the years (e g, Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act; Chhattisgarh Public Security Act; Andhra Pradesh (Suppression of Disturbances) Act, etc).

Asserting that the Naxalite movement has to be “recognised as a political movement with a strong base among the landless and poor peasantry and adivasis”, the experts warn the government against resorting to “security-centric” measures like setting up vigilante groups such as Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh. Instead, they have called for “an ameliorative approach with emphasis on a negotiated solution”, and urged the government for a resumption of the peace talks with the Naxalites which was initiated in October 2004, but broke down in January 2005.

As for the Indian state, the experts have been rather frank.

They have shown how, in quite a large swathe of inaccessible territory, the state’s writ does not run, and the Naxalites have been able to establish a parallel and alternative order that has largely benefited the poor – especially the dalits and adivasis. It is better that India recognises this reality and legitimises the positive Naxalite contribution to the implementation of the pro-poor laws – which the state had failed to carry out. In other words, the government should negotiate a settlement that allows the Naxalites to run their administration in their pockets of control – on the lines of the settlement arrived at with the Naga rebels of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak Muivah) who have not given up their arms and run a parallel government in parts of Nagaland.

Referring to the Indian government’s conciliatory approach to such insurrectionary groups, the authors of the report raise the legitimate question: “Why a different approach to the Naxals?” It is for the Prime Minister to answer this, since he is the one who calls Naxalite violence the most serious internal security challenge faced by India.

worldsikhnews.com/25%20June%202008/Government%20of%20India%20Guilty%20as%20charged.htm

Handia: The Source of Livelihood of Adivasi Women

Jharkhand — Sun, 22 Jun 2008 15:46:00 +0000

Impact of Handia on tribal people

The term “Handia” is used in the Chotanagpur plateau for local consumption. It is a country liquor made from fragmented rice with toxic herbs. It is a liquid substance, which is essential among the tribal community, especially in the Munda and Santhal tribes. Handia is regarded as a popular drink among the tribals of Keonjhar, Mayurbhanja, Sundargarh, Deogarh, Sambalpur, Balangir, Dhenkanal and Angul Districts of Orissa and also in other states like Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal. It is also found among the tribals in Bangladesh and Nepal. It is very difficult to know which tribes initiated the use of Handia. Both Munda and Santhal claim to be the inventor of it. Handia is now a very popular drink in the whole Chotanagpur region. Initially Munda and Santhal used it but nowadays it is getting popular in other castes and other tribes, like Kissan, Ho, Oram and Bhumija. It is also called “Diang” in Munda, “Handi” in Santahaly and “Kusuna” in Kissan.

Handia occupies a pivotal role in the tribal community, socially, culturally and economically. Handia is accepted as a most sacred drink in the Munda and Santhal tribes. It has religious uses and values. Handia is offered to local deities and in dead ancestors’ rituals.

The use of Handia is very common in the occasion of marriages, birth anniversaries and festivals. The festivals are: Baa Parba and Nuakhai (Phulabaguni), Akhitrutiya, Raja Parba, Ratha Yatra and Rakhi Parba. Handia is the best treat for guests and friends, and it has been used in this way from time immemorial.

From a social and cultural point of view, Handia binds the tribals together like a string of thread.

Firstly, during social meetings and social functions (i.e. marriage, birth and death rituals), the tribals greet each other with Handia.

Secondly, while going to friends’ or relatives’ houses, they take Handia with them as a present. It indicates the status, love and affection of the guests. Similarly, the host also welcomes them with Handia.

Thirdly, at the time of common rituals and cultural functions, the tribal people drink Handia, dance and enjoy themeselves together. During funeral ceremonies, the deceased’s household offers Handia to villagers and relatives. But in these days Handia is not made in the deceased’s house. So the relatives bring Handia with them to help the household. In this study, it is observed that Handia occupies a most important place in day-to-day life of the tribal community.

In the preparation and business of Handia, the tribal women play the key role, as its production is regarded as kitchen work. It also generates significant income for the household. By promoting Handia preparation and sales, the tribal women have been able to make economic gains.

Methodology

The present study has been undertaken in five villages of Keonjhar district as part of a livelihood research project. The study is based entirely on primary information collected from the households, information which is both quantitative and qualitative. Qualitative data were collected about production processes, methods of sale, reciprocal trading relations and seasonal household consumption. The quantitative data were also collected on the seasonal production of Handia and Ranu, income within and outside the village, investment of labour time, total expenditure on production, consumption and sale of Ranu (in kg) and Handia (in litres), differentiated by season. Focus group discussions in villages were also used to collect information regarding the social, cultural, and religious importance of Handia in their society. This study is basically designed with a holistic in-depth approach. Some case studies of Munda women and non-tribal business households were also conducted to obtained detailed qualitative and quantitative information. We also visited the Handia Hat and Handia Godown to clarify the marketing procedure of Handia and Ranu. Group discussions with non-tribal persons involved in the Handia business were also conducted, the perception of Handia by other people was investigated, and a case study of non-tribal people was made.

We also collected secondary information regarding the impact of Handia on health and legal status from the Medical and Excise department of Keonjhar District.

Uses of Handia

Handia is used for two purposes – consumption and business. Previously, tribal people used Handia only for consumption, but during the last 30 years it has also been used for business purposes.

Consumption purpose

The tribal people (from children to old people) take Handia as an important drink at breakfast, lunch and dinner. One can manage for 10 to 15 days without any other food. During the summer season, Handia saves the body from sunstroke. By drinking Handia, the tribals become more energetic during work. Similarly, in the time of cold, it heats the body.

It also compensates for the deficiency of food for as much as 10 to 15 days for tribal people who cannot get even one meal a day. So Handia is regarded as a supplementary food for tribals. Nowadays other caste people also consume Handia for intoxication. As a result, Handia has become commercialized gradually. But these consumers do not allow their children to consume Handia.

Business purpose

During the last 30 years the tribal people have used Handia for business purposes. When the Munda tribes from Bihar migrated to Orissa and settled in different parts of Keonjhar and other districts, they initiated the Handia business and gradually it spread to the tribes in Orissa, who were attracted by the Handia practices (Munda and Santhal tribes). It is a secondary source of livelihood for most of the tribals. Some tribals accept the business as a primary source of income. Most Munda and some Mahanta and Majhi tribal women prepare and sell Handia among the neighbours and at the market. There are four categories of households engaged in the Handia business:

Households engaged in “Ranu” preparation and sale at the market. (Ranu is a tablet composed of rice and roots, which is necessary for preparing Handia).
Households engaged in the Handia business who purchase “Ranu” from others.
Households engaged in both “Ranu” and Handia preparation and business.
Households engaged in collecting roots from the forest and selling them at the market.

Composition of Handia

Uncleansed rice (of a slightly reddish colour) and the tablet “Ranu” are used to prepare Handia. Ranu has various local names, e.g. Mullica / Mulikia and Bakhar. Some of the tribals told us that they did not previously use this tablet, but nowadays they use it for business purpose to make the Handia more intoxicating. Some of the tribals also informed us that the tablet has always been used in Handia production because without it the prepared Handia will decompose.

The tablet “Ranu”

The tablet “Ranu” is bitter in taste. It is composed of sun-dried rice, roots and barks of the following trees:

Agnijhada: This root is also used for medicinal purposes to minimize the lack of appetite.
Patal-garud: This root also used to cure snakebite.
Bhuinlimba: This root also used for curing skin diseases.
Mahulchhali: This is a bark used for medicinal purposes.
Kuruchi Chhali: This is a bark used for medicinal purposes.
Bhuin Boitalu: This is a fruit generally used to improve digestion.

All the above roots and barks are bitter in taste. These are available in the forest only in the rainy season. So the tribal women keep these roots and barks in stock for the whole year. Some of the tribals collect them from the forest and prepare Ranu at home. Others purchase them at the market. They are also available in small, set amounts, i.e. one handful of the mixture. The cost of one such packet of the mixture is Rs 6/- at the market.

Processing of Ranu

Sun dried rice and the mixture of roots and barks are used to prepare Ranu. First, the bark and roots are dried in the sun and ground together into a powder. Then the sun dried rice is moistened and converted into flour. Mix the rice flour and powder into a dough. After that, roll the dough into small balls. Then lay out straw in four layers, between which the small balls are scattered. Leave the balls to dry for 2 days. The tribals believe that, if the Ranu takes 2 days to dry, and then it will also take 2 days to process the Handia.

While preparing Ranu, some Munda women observe the traditional system that before preparing Ranu, they place rice powder on a leaf in front of the “Pitrupurusa” (ancestor). Then they add water to this powder and make dough. They fold the leaf around the dough and bake it in the fire. Afterwards, the Ranu are served by family members to others. Family members themselves cannot each them. By offering the Ranu mixture to God, they believe that, from that Ranu, they can produce and sell more Handia. The Munda women who are involved in Ranu production prepare it twice a week.

Testing of Ranu

After the Ranu has been prepared, it can be tested by throwing it into the fire. If it blazes up, then it is considered usable and if not, then it is useless.

* Cost Benefit of Ranu Preparation

Particulars	Quantity	Market Value
Sun-dried rice	5 kg (10 manas)	Rs 30/-
Mixture of barks & roots (1 bundle)	According to quantity of rice	Rs 10/-
Total		Rs 40/-

From 5 kg of rice one can produce 12 mana Ranu tablets. The cost of one mana Ranu is Rs 15/- only. By investing Rs 40/- for Ranu preparation, one can get Rs 15 * 12 mana = Rs 180/-. So the net profit is: Rs 180/- minus Rs 40/- minus Rs 40/- (two days labour charge) = Rs 100/-.

Processing of Handia

According to indigenous conceptions, Handia is processed by women. Processing takes three days. Uncleansed (bagada) rice and the tablet, Ranu, are used to prepare it. First, the rice is boiled with water in such a way that rice is soaked through with water. Then they break the tablet into pieces, mix these with the boiled rice and keep the mixture untouched for two days. During this time, the mixture will ferment and will have a sour taste.

To extract juice from the mixture, one can squeeze the mixture through a sieve (chaluni) for filtration. For one mana or 1/2 kg rice one can use two tablets (or one, if it is large). The Handia can be hard, medium and soft, depending on how the Ranu is used. The whole process is performed by women. This is because women are always in charge of the kitchen and Handia-making is entirely kitchen work.

* Cost Benefit of Handia Preparation

Particulars	Quantity	Market Value
Uncleansed rice	6 kg (12 manas)	Rs 30/-
Ranu	12 nos	Rs 2/-
Total		Rs 32/-

From 6 kg rice it is observed that the tribal women produce 18 litres Handia. They sell the Handia in one-gina amounts (a gina is a local measuring pot with a capacity of 250 ml), which cost only Rs 1/- a piece. By selling 18 litres of Handia, the women get Rs 72/- only. So the net profit is Rs 72/- minus Rs 32/- = Rs 40/- only.

The Munda women prepare a special Handia for religious functions. Before preparing the Handia, they cleanse themselves by bathing, put on clean cloths and also wash the ‘Dekchi’ (big silver pot) clean. While preparing Handia they eat no food. This Handia is first offered to God and only then may the household members consume it. Others are not allowed to consume this Handia. Munda women prepare Handia two or three times a week. But in the summer season most of them prepare it more often.

Marketing

As with production, the Munda women also have the responsibility for marketing. Because if women do the selling, there is little chance of credit sale. The men are more liberal and unable to collect the price properly. If a man does not want to pay after buying a drink, a female seller is easily able to put pressure on him for on-the-spot payment. The male drinkers want to drink, but they don’t want to be humiliated by the woman at the market place. Secondly, during selling, the Handia needs to be mixed with water and the men do not know the quantity of water to be mixed.

Selling of Ranu

Ranu is sold in at the market and from homes also. Ranu is sold at the market on the basis of a local measuring system – “Ganda” (4 nos) and mana (local measuring pot). The cost at the market of Duee Gandas (8 nos) of Ranu is Eka Tanka (one rupee).

Some women go to different villages for vending Ranu.
In many cases, the women supply Ranu on a weekly basis to Handia Gowdams, located in Dhenkikote and Jhumpura.

Selling of Handia

The Munda women prepare Handia in their houses and sell in the following places:

Selling from home
Selling at daily markets near the roadside, with 10 to 15 sellers
Selling at the Saptahik Hat (weekly market), at various locations
Selling by order
Selling at Jatra (festivals)

Selling from home
Most Munda women sell Handia at their homes. People of different castes, from the same and nearby villages, come to consume Handia. A household will sell more if they maintain good relation with their customers.

Selling at daily markets
Some women come regularly to the daily market or sit by the roadside. This gives them a regular income. Their customers are mostly people travelling along the road.

Handia Hat
The main objective of the “Hat” is to provide Handia to people who wish to consume it outside their homes. The tribal people are so used to Handia that they also require it when they are away from their homes. It is noteworthy that the Handia Hat is always held at a distance from the main Hat because if it is located in the main Hat, then it may:

Catch the eye of Excise Department.
Cause disturbances for people who are not drinking Handia.

A big Handia Hat is held at Dhenkikot every Saturday. This Hat is completely separated from main market. Nearly 50-60 households from nearby tribal villages come here with Handia for sale. On Saturday, there is also the general “Hat” at Dhenkikot to which people from nearby villages come to purchase vegetable cereals, pulses, clothes etc. There is a get-together of people from different villages. In this situation, the Munda women bring Handia for marketing purpose and sit separately from the main market. After selling their Handia, they purchase basic things at the market. It is seen that the tribal women mostly dominate the Handia Hat, while the general market is dominated by males. As the males are engaged in various work, it is difficult for them to sit still for 8-9 hours selling the Handia, because Handia Hat continues from morning to evening. We also remarked another interesting fact: that the young women coming to the Hat to sell Handia are dressed up in all their finery to attract customers.

Selling by order
Sometimes businessmen and cultivators order Handia from Munda women, so they can provide Handia for their labourers, and attract them to work for them. Also, during social functions, households sometimes order Handia from Munda women, to serve their guests and relatives.

Selling at Jatra (festivals)
Most of the Munda women sell Handia at local festivals, like Raja (3 days), Makara (9 days), Rathayatra (10 days), Dola yatra (13 days). The gathering of Handia-sellers is an additional attraction at all the festivals. The income from these festivals is much greater than the daily income.

Limitation

There are some limitations adopted at the time of preparing Handia. These are:

The women do not talk with anyone during preparation.
They do not eat watered rice.
When preparing Handia for worship purposes, they bathe early and put on clean clothes before preparation.

Prohibition

The tribals prohibit Handia consumption by people suffering from fever, cold, cough and tuberculosis. Pre-school and school children are also not allowed to drink Handia.

Disorders

The tribals are so used to Handia that, if they do not take it several disorders are found with them, e.g. headache, bodyache, laziness etc.

Impact in Health & Hygiene

Good Impact
Handia removes jaundice, colic, dysentry; it hinders sun struck and makes the stomach cool.

Bad Impact
Drinking Handia may create inferiority complexes among non-Handia consumers. Some times men expend much money on Handia consumption and this causes familiar disturbances. Excessive drinking of Handia also causes social disturbances and may occasion many diseases like tuberculosis, asthma, bloodlessness, neurological and stomach problems.

Legal status

xAccording to law, Pachwai (Handia) is defined under section 2 (16) of Bihar and Orissa Excise Act 1915, as fermented rice, millets and other grain whether mixed with any liquid or not; any liquid obtained therefrom, whether diluted or undiluted; but does not include beer.

Under the provision of the Bihar and Orissa Excise Act 1915, one can sell and purchase Pachwai (Handia) within the limits of 7 kilograms or liters (undiluted) and 18 kilograms or liters (diluted). If one sells or purchases amounts beyond the limit, that will be treated as an excise offence and he/she will be accused under excise offence 47 (A) of B & O Excise Act 1915. In spite of this, many tribals and non-tribals are actively involved in this business throughout the district, whereas one license is provided for sell and purchase of Pachwai to a non-tribal person at Remuli.

In Keonjhar district, 34 cases have been filed against the offence during March ’01 to August ’01 out of which 80% cases were filed against a tribal.

Here the Handia sellers are getting privilege to sell of Handia up to 18 litters in a day, which helps them for their livelihood.

Now, consumption and preparation of Handia is not only limited among the tribes (Munda, Santala), but non-tribal people also undertaken this activity as a business. Our study shows that, different caste accepted this as a business purpose and they gain more profit than the tribals. In our study villages (Ramachandrapur, Bhanjatikra, Sandhiaposi and Barhatipra), all Munda people consume and prepare Handia but 25% of them make a expected profit and others prepare only for consumption and sell Handia to purchase oil, salt and intoxicated items (Tela luna ‘O’ dukuta).

Though Handia is originated from Munda and Santal and it is a most important part of their culture, but they are deprived to utilize it more profitably in their livelihood where as by utilizing same technique and procedure, the non-tribal make profit beyond expectation. From our observation, we assume that there are some reasons for which the munda people can not make profit in this business which are mentioned below :-

Though Handia business is not adopted as primary occupation so they cannot concentrate fully in this business.
There is no wider scope for marketing in the village area.
Most of them are not interested to come to market area for regular sale because there are so many competitors in the market.

Now the situation is so that, the concept of Handia business among other caste people is now increasing and munda people are going to purchase Handia from non-tribal people for consumption.

Case study of households preparing Ranu and selling it on the market

Gouri Munda

Gouri Munda, a 32 years old woman is the wife of Sukru Munda living in Sandhiapasi village. She has two sons and three daughters aged from 14 to 6 years who are reading in the Hindibhanga school which is 3 kms away from Sandhiapasi village. Sukru Munda is engaged as a mason in the local villages and also working in his own agricultural field. During summer season, he goes to outside for mason work. Gouri assists her husband in their agricultural field from mid-June to mid-November and in between she also works as wage labourer in the village. Apart from this period she is busy in homework because there is no other work around.

As the household rears goats (3 nos), ducks (big: 2 nos & small: 11 nos), bullocks (5 nos) and cow (2 nos) that help the household to earn money and Gouri is the only person to take care of these livestock. In addition to this she prepare Handia and Ranu throughout the whole year.

Since 17 years Gouri has been preparing Handia in her in-laws house. When she was unmarried she did not know it but after that, her mother-in-law taught her the Handia preparation. At that time she purchased Ranu from others. But since 5 years, the idea of Ranu preparation came to her mind because of two reasons:

By followings others as it is a profitable source of income.
To minimise the expenditure of Handia preparation.

Handia consumption at home
Though all her children are going to school, they do not consume Handia at all. They (she and her husband) are the only persons who consume Handia at home. But since 2 years, her husband is restricted by Doctor to take Handia as he is suffering from tuberculosis. But during summer season, he takes Handia rarely. So she is the only member who consumes and prepares Handia. She prepares Handia mainly for consumption purpose. She uses 3 manas of rice for Handia preparation in a week for her own consumption daily (2 Gina, the measuring pot, of Handia which costs Rs 2/-only) and sells the remaining at her residence. By selling at residence she gets Rs 30-40/- in a week. When discussing with her about the expansion of Handia business, she remarked in the following way:-

As most of the most households of Sandhiapasi and nearer villages were making Handia in their houses, as a result there was no sufficient customer for purchasing from her.
Most of the customers purchased Handia on credit basis and did not pay regularly. So, it would be difficult for her part to run behind these customers for money collection.
By selling in the market or door to door vending, she felt uncomfortable because by taking Handia to outside, one should take additional utensils i.e. bucket, danki, dhala and Chalani sieve for selling and it was not possible for her to take all these alone.
She had already set physically and mentally with Ranu preparation.

Keeping all the above matter in view, she has been preparing Ranu since 5 years for business purpose.

Ranu Preparation
Gouri prepares Ranu twice in a week and each time takes minimum three days for preparation. In a week, she chooses two days i.e. Friday and Saturday for preparation, because for selling on Wednesday she can get sufficient time (5 days) for it. For making Ranu, she uses sundried rice, roots and barks. The roots and barks are Bhuinlimba (Burumarchi), Agnijhada, Jhinkiputa, Akalabindu (Pitu), Patalgarud and Bhuinkakharu (Bhuinboitalu). She purchases Akalabindu, Agnijhada, Patalgarud and Banalanka from market because these are available in the distant Hill and she is unable to collect these from the hill. For collecting Jhinkiputa and Bhuinlimba, she goes to Jangle (Forest) with other munda women, which is 2-3 kms from the village. Sometimes Bhuinlimba is not available in the jungle, so she has to go to other jungle near Manoharpur and Suakati with other women by bus. If necessary, they have to stay for 2-3 days there, for collection of Bhuinlimba. So, in that week, she cannot prepare Ranu.

Ranu Processing
At first, the roots and barks are dried up in the sun and then are grinded with sundried rice into power. For grinding purpose, she uses “Dhinki”or husking pedal block (an indigenous instrument for grinding these substances) and she takes 5 hours for grinding. Sometimes her husband assists her for this activity. The detailed activities and the time she spends for Ranu preparation is given below.

Days	Activities	Time	Hours
1^st day (Thursday)	Collection of roots and barks	8AM – 4PM	8 hours
2^nd day (Friday)	Husking of Paddy to rice	5AM – 9AM	4 hours
	Grinding of rice, roots and barks	10AM – 4PM	6 hours
	Preparing Ranu and setting in straw bed	5PM – 9PM	4 hours
3^rd day (Saturday)	Same as 2^nd day	5AM – 9PM	14 hours
4^th& 5^thdays (Monday & Tuesday)	Pick up the Ranu from straw bed and dry it in the sun		4 hours

Cost of Ranu Preparation
For one week, she prepares Ranu in two phases and in each phase, she invests 7 manas of sundried rice. The details cost for this is given below-

Days	Particulars	Quantity	Market Value
Friday	Rice	7 manas	Rs 40/-
Friday	Roots and barks	1 bida	Rs 10/-
Saturday	Rice	7 manas	Rs 40/-
Saturday	Roots and barks	1 bida	Rs 10/-
Total		14 manas & 2 bidas	Rs 100/-

So, for one week she invests 14 manas of rice, which cost Rs 80/- and Rs 20/- for roots and barks. Sometimes she increases the quantity according to the order of the customers. From 14 manas of rice, she produces 25 manas of Ranu.

Marketing System
For marketing of Ranu, she has contacted four villages i.e, Balibandha, Hundula, Dehuripada and Kashipal and she goes once in a week i.e. Wednesday to these villages for sale. She goes by bus to Balibandha for which the bus fair is Rs 4/- and then she moves by foot to Hundula, Dehuripada and Kashipal, which are 4 kms, 3 kms and 3 kms from Balibandha respectively. She is vending Ranu among 11 households in Balibandha, all households (20 HHs) in Hundula, 4 HHs in Dehuripada and 3 HHs in Kashipal. All these 38 households belong to SC and ST (Kamar, Bhumija, Santal, Kolha, Bhuian and Ganda). Out of total Ranu, she sells a maximum amount in Hundula village because all the households prepare Handia and sell in Jurudi Hat near Joda on a regular basis and they all depend on her for purchasing Ranu. Most of the times more Ranu have been ordered from this village. According to her, during summer season, Raja and Makar festival, the demand of Ranu increases. Sometimes, she can not fulfill the target, as she is the only person to prepare Ranu at home.

By selling 25 manas Ranu, she gets Rs 300/- in a week @ Rs 12/- per one mana Ranu, whereas others sell Ranu @ Rs 15/- per mana. By clarifying the above, she answered that, though all the contacted households are the permanent customers for her and she has been selling them in Rs 12/- from the beginning, so she could be liberal to them.

Regarding the sale of Ranu at “Hat”, she stated that, she could not sell Ranu at nearby market named as “Jhumpura Hat” because all the Ranu sellers had fixed their customers who are coming regularly to that Hat. If she goes to the Hat, then the regular sellers might not cooperate her to sale and no customers would purchase Ranu from her and it would also take more time to make the customers towards her.

Case study of households engaged in both Ranu and Handia preparation

Jema Munda

Jema Munda, the wife of Udaya Munda who is a 35-year-old woman residing in the village Bhanjatipra. She has six daughters (one of which is married) and three sons. The main occupation of the household is agriculture and she works in her own agricultural field and also works as agricultural worker in inside and outside the village. She also produces vegetables from her kitchen garden. She also collects sal seeds and mahua flowers from the forest.

Besides the above activities, Jema Munda prepares Handia to earn additional income for the household. She has been preparing Handia since six years, but at first she prepared Handia for consumption purpose of the family. At that time she purchased Ranu, the tablet from market or others. When she realised that other households are making profit by selling Handia, she decided to take off this as a business.

Handia Consumption at home
All the family members except the last two children who are two years and 6 months old are consuming Handia daily at home. Both husband and wife consume 16 Gina (steel cup) Handia in a day which cost Rs 16/- only @ Rs 1/- per Gina (1 Gina = 200 g approximately). Sometimes Udaya Munda takes 10 to 15 Gina Handia in a day. The elder 3 children (aged 19, 18 and 15 years) drink 15 Gina Handia (5 Gina per head) in a day whereas the small children (aged 9, 6 & 5 years) also take 6 Gina Handia. The last two small children (aged 2 yrs & 6 months and 6 months) are not allowed to take Handia. The family members take Handia twice (in morning after brushing the teeth and after coming from work) in a day. The total consumption of Handia in a day is Rs 37/- approximately.

Preparation of Ranu
Since four years she has been preparing Ranu and before that purchased Ranu from market or from other sources. She prepares Ranu for own purpose and she does not sale these. The only purpose of making Ranu in the house is that, it minimizes the expenditure of Handia preparation.

There is no certain date for making Ranu in a week or month. At a time she prepares some Ranu and finishing these, she prepares again. For once, she uses 6 mana of sundried rice and Jhinkilai (Jhinkiputa) for making Ranu. She only uses Jhinkilai instead of other roots and barks and she collects Jhinkilai from the near hill. Before making Ranu, she goes to hill with other women to collect these from morning to evening and after finishing these, she goes again to collect.

Processing of Ranu
The first activity is grinding paddy to get sundried rice and for this, she uses “Dhinki” or husking pedal block (an indigenous instrument for grinding these substances). Then before grinding sundried rice, she takes bath and after that grinds sundried rice and Jhinkilai into power by “Dhinki” and keeps some power in a leaf separately in front of Pitrupurush (Ancestor God). After preparing Ranu and setting in the straw beds, she adds water with the separated rice power to make a dough. Then the dough is folded with a leaf and burnt by fire and shared by all members of the household. No out-sider is allowed to share with this. The detailed activities and the time she spends for Ranu preparation is given below.

Days	Activities	Time	Hours
1^st day	Collection of Jhinkilai from the Hill	8AM to 4PM	8 hours
2^nd day	Paddy husking to rice	3PM to 7PM	4 hours
3^rd day	Grinding of sundried rice and Jhinkilai to power	7AM to 11AM	4 hours
3^rd day	Preparing Ranu and setting in straw beds	11AM to 3 PM	4 hours
6^th day	Pick up the Ranu after drying up and then dried in the sun	8 AM to 10 AM	2 hours

For processing of Ranu, it takes 3 days. The most interesting thing is that, from grinding sundried rice to preparing Ranu, Jema Munda makes fasting. She is in faith that, by performing this ritual, she can produce better Ranu.

Cost of Ranu Preparation
For one time, she invests 6 mana sundried rice, which costs Rs 36/- and 150 g of Jhinkilai which she collects from hill. She produces 9 mana of Ranu from 6-mana rice. If she sells in the market, then she may earn Rs 135/- but she does not sell.

Handia Preparation
She prepares Handia daily and each time takes two and half days in processing. She invests 6 kg of parboiled rice each time. She purchases these rice from the shop @ Rs 6.50/- per kg and she adds one Ranu in one mana rice. Firstly she boiled 6 kg of rice with water and after cooking, it leaves for cool. Then she adds 12 nos of Ranu into the cooked rice and leaves it for two and half days for processing. To extract Handia juice from the cooked mixture, she squeezes it in the mixture with water and uses a sieve (chaluni) for filtration.

In summer season, she prepares Handia daily and each time she uses 7 to 8 kg of para-boiled rice for preparing Handia.

In religious functions, she prepares special Handia (Bangadiang) for warship and the family members consume this Handia. The other members are not allowed to consume this Handia.

Marketing System
Jema Munda sells Handia in her own house. Sometimes she goes to nearby market for sale. Different castes people (Munda, other castes like milkman, Brahmin, Washer man and others) from Nusuripasi Barhatipra, nearby villages and other people who come across in front of her house, purchase Handia from her. She sells Handia on Gina (steel cup) basis and she gets Rs 1/- by selling 1 Gina Handia. In winter and Rainy season, she earns Rs 30/- to Rs 40/-, while she earns Rs 50/- to Rs 60/- in summer season. The reason is that, during rainy season, the weather is cold and Handia is not prepared well. The income is also less in winter season because in this season most of the families prepare Handia and they need not come here to purchase.

While asking her question about the sale of Handia in the market, she told that, as the customers are coming to her house, she does not need to go to market to sell Handia.

Impact of Handia on non-tribal people

In Dhenkikote area, some of non-tribal people undertake the Handia business by quitting their previous occupation. Here we are presenting a case study how a non-tribal household makes more profit by selling Handia at Dhenkikote area.

Gurucharan Mahakud

´belongs to Gopala/Gauda community and the traditional caste occupation of the community is to rearing cattle and selling milk. For last 36 years he is residing at Dhenkikote and at that time he was engaged in his little betel shop at Dhenkikote market. At that time he had undertaken furniture business to maintain his family of 4 members (wife and two sons).

The concept of Handia business as a profitable trade, came into his mind in 1998 by the inspiration of Bula Sahoo, a rice businessman at Dhenkikote market. In the beginning, he started to drink Handia by preparing it at home because his wife knew the preparation. At first he started this business with a small amount of rice and when he observed that the people came to the house to purchase Handia frequently from him then he increased the amount upto10kg rice in a week. According to the growing demand of the people, he increased the amount gradually up to 1-quintal rice at a time to strengthen the business.

Material needed for preparing Handia
For preparing Handia, para boiled rice and Ranu are needed. In the rainy season, he prepares 2 to two and half quintal rice (2 to 2 ½ quintals) of rice in a week where as 3 to 4 quintal rice is needed in a week for winter and summer season. He purchases the 10 to 15 quintal rice at a time from Dhenkikote market and every time he has stock of 10-quintal rice at home.

For preparing Handia, he purchases Ranu from outside. One household from Dandipasi village provides Ranu to the household. He is purchasing Rs 500/- Ranu in a week depending on the preparation of Handia from the household of Dandipasi where 5 members in that household are engaged to prepare and supply Ranu.

Preparation of Handia
Now Gurucharan and his wife, Madhabi prepare Handia thrice in a week (Monday, Wednesday and Thursday) and it takes three days for processing. In Wednesday of every week and every month he prepares excess Handia (1 quintal rice) to meet the need of people on Hata day, which is held on every Saturday at Dhenkikote. As two persons are not sufficient for Handia preparation, Satrughna Naik, a resident of Dhenkikote who knows the preparation, is appointed as a full time worker to help them. Satrughna takes Rs 25/- with one lunch and Handia consumption (10 bela = Rs 20/-). They cook 80 kg to 1 quintal parboiled rice at a time in 4 nos of silver dekichi (big cooking pot in which 20 kg rice can be cooked). They use table fan to cool the boiled rice, then 160 to 200 nos of Ranu are mixed with it and they keep the substance for three days in dekichi to process. He uses two rooms for preparing Handia one is store room and another is kitchen with processing room.

Household consumption
In this household Gurucharan only consumes Handia of 10 bela (Rs 20/-) in a day and Madhabi takes Handia rarely. It is very interesting that the domestic animals of the household also consume Handia. The cows (3 nos) consume 12 bela Handia (Rs 24/-) whereas the goats (4 nos) take 3 bela Handia (Rs 6/-). Gurucharan told that without giving Handia to his calf, he does not sell Handia to anybody. He again told that the animals are so used to Handia that, if they do not drink it, they make disturbances by destroying the Handia pots.

Marketing
For marketing Handia he/she does not go to outside. All caste people from nearby villages are coming to his house to drink Handia. In Hata day (Saturday), the number of the customers are so excess that, the three persons cannot sell properly. In order to smooth selling, he has appointed 2 persons Ghasiram Mahakud and Narayan Naik to sale Handia. Each of them earns Rs 25/- with lunch and Handia consumption. Everyday 150 to 200 people are coming here to drink Handia but in every Saturday, the number of people increases to near about 500. For smooth distribution of Handia to 50 persons at a time, the household has purchased 50 belas. To make the business more attractive, Gurucharan also prepares gram item and serve them for Rs 1/- only. Sometimes, contractors take a huge amount of Handia of Rs 200/- to Rs 300/- at a time to give their workers. During marriage time, some mundas also take Handia to distribute their neighbourers and relatives. Gurucharan maintains the accounts of Handia selling.

Cost Benefit of Handia preparation

Expenditure for one week

Sl No	Particulars	Quantity	Amount
01	Parboiled rice	2 quintal or 200 kg	Rs 1200/-
02	Ranu	400 nos	Rs 50/-
03	Fire wood	Rs 50/- * 7 days	Rs 135/-
04	Labour charge (1 no)	Rs 25/- * 7 days	Rs 175/-
05	Marketing cost (for two persons)	Rs 25/- * 2 (persons)	Rs 50/-
06	Gram	5 kg per day @ Rs 22/- per kg	Rs 770/-
Total			Rs 2380/-

The above expenditure is only for winter season. Though the demand of Handia increases in summer season, the cost of Handia preparation is minimum Rs 3005/- only (for three quintals of rice).

Income per week

Sales per day (6 days a week)	@ Rs 500/- * 6	Rs 3000
Sales on Hat day (Saturday)		Rs 3000
Total		Rs 6000

Total income		Rs 6000
Total expenditure		Rs 2380
Total profit per week		Rs 3620
Total monthly profit	*Rs 3620/- 4**	Rs 14.480

**Savings of the Household from Handia Business**

Out of the income from Handia business, Gurucharan saves Rs 30,000/- in LAMPS at Dhenkikote and Rs 50,000/- in Baitarani Gramya Bank at Barhatipra. He also deposited Rs 300/- in LIC for three years in the name of his wife. In addition to the above deposit, he has constructed 11 rooms upto roof level for which he has already spent more than 3 lakhs rupees.

Perception of other people towards the household

In Dhenkikote area, 12 non-tribe households are doing Handia business since 15 years and as Gurucharan has developed a lot during three years, so they are jealous to him. Regarding this, he said that the neighbourers do not tolerate his progress, so they do not come to his house. As he is making Handia business like a Munda, he has not good relation with his relatives and neighbourers. Nobody likes to come to his house.

Source: anthrobase.com/Txt/S/Satpathy_N_Satpathy_R_01.htm

Villages turn islands, lakhs homeless in eastern India

Jharkhand — Fri, 20 Jun 2008 13:44:00 +0000

India flood crisis ‘deteriorates’

The flood situation in India’s eastern states of Orissa, West Bengal and Jharkhand continues to deteriorate, officials say.

But they say that there has been some improvement in the worst affected state of Assam in the country’s north-east.

More than eight million people have been affected by severe floods and thousands have been displaced.

In Orissa officials say they are battling to get food to marooned people in the north of the state.

Many states in the north-east and east of India have been hit hard by flooding.

The army has been deployed in the state of Jharkhand – where nearly two and half million people have been affected by torrential rain – the heaviest for six decades, according to officials.

Five people have died in the wet weather in West Bengal and four in Orissa, officials said.

“We have not been able to reach thousands of people encircled by flood waters on all sides as road links have been badly damaged and the swirling water of the rivers is making the movement of boats difficult,” a senior official engaged in the Orissa relief operation told the BBC.

The district of Lakhimpur in Assam is one of the worst hit

Nearly 40,000 people in the state’s low lying areas have been evacuated to safer places.

The Orissa government started air-dropping food to inaccessible areas on Thursday morning.

Officials said nearly a million people in four Orissa districts – Mayurbhanj, Balasore, Bhadrak and Jajpur – have been affected by the floods.

More than half a million people have been affected in Balasore alone, officials said, and a total of 850 villages have been cut off.

Consolation

Meanwhile three army columns were rushed to West Bengal’s West and East Midnapore districts after more than 700mm rainfall lashed the two districts over the past three days.

A total of two million people have been affected by the floods in these two districts as the Subarnarekha River continued to rise, leaving nearly 300,000 people marooned.

The BBC’s north-east India correspondent, Subir Bhaumik, says that there was some consolation for the authorities in Assam, where there are signs that heavy rainfall is abating.

But our correspondent says that the worst affected districts of Lakhimpur and Dhemaji districts remain cut off from the rest of the state following a huge breach of national highway number 52.

Officials say that two and half million people have been affected by the floods in Assam and 12 have died.

news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7464375.stm

Villages turn islands, lakhs homeless

Floods continued to wreak havoc in three eastern states and Assam on Thursday.

In Orissa, an estimated 10 lakh people have so far been affected by floods while in West Bengal lakhs of villagers have been stranded and about 55,000 rescued and placed in 150 relief camps. In Jharkhand, about 3,000 people have been affected by nature’s fury.

In Assam 22 people were killed in two districts bordering Arunachal Pradesh due to excessive release of water from a hydro electric project in Arunachal.

The flood situation in north Orissa remained grave on Thursday with the Subernarekha, Budhabalanga, Baitarani and Jalaka rivers inundating large areas in the districts of Balasore, Bhadrak, Mayurbhanj and Jajpur. A portion of National Highway 60 near Rupsa in Balasore district has been swept away, cutting off the road to Bhubaneswar and Kolkata. The death toll however remained at four.

In Narayangar in Bengal’s Midnapore West district, 85-year-old Kulebala Maity took shelter on a tree-top till she was rescued by armymen on Thursday afternoon.

78-year-old Jarnali Bera was trapped in roof top when flood water washed away their house in Amedein village in Midnapore West.

Though Maity and Bera were rescued on Thursday morning, there are lakhs of other villagers who are still stranded in flood waters in Midnapore East and West districts.

In Jharkhand’s East Singhbhum and Seraikela-Kharsawan districts, more than 3,000 families have been rendered homeless in flash floods following a record 363.07 mm rainfall on Wednesday. Two persons died while over a dozen others survived from drowning in the flood waters. In Jamshedpur, two more gharials escaped from their enclosure in the Tata Zoo. One had reportedly been swept away by the floods into the swelling Subernarekha river on Wednesday.

hindustantimes.com/storypage/storypage.aspx?id=20ae94e2-c40e-40c5-856c-b2cbdb06b1b6&&Headline=Villages+turn+islands%2c+lakhs+homeless

Rains wreak havoc in eastern India, army called out

Kolkata-Bhubaneswar (PTI): Rains wreaked havoc in most parts of eastern India as army troops were on wednesday rushed to two flood-hit districts in West Bengal while Orissa alerted the Air Force and Jharkhand sought army help to tackle the situation that has affected nearly 25 lakh people.

Five persons died in West Bengal and four in Orissa due to the torrential rains, officials said. Three army columns were rushed to West Bengal’s West and East Midnapore districts as an IAF helicopter made an aerial survey of the affected areas, state Finance Minister Ashim Dasgupta said.

If necessary, food would be airdropped from tomorrow in the two districts that have registered a record 700 mm rainfall in the past three days, he said, adding the situation has been compounded by 3.50 lakh cusecs discharge from the Chandil-Galudi reservoir in adjoining Jharkhand.

In Orissa, the state government alerted the Air Force for relief and rescue operations. Describing the situation in four districts, particularly in Balasore as “grim”, Revenue and Disaster Management Minister Manmohan Samal said nearly 1.5 lakh people have been affected due to the flash floods caused by torrential rains.

The steel city of Jamshedpur recorded 338.1 mm of rainfall — the heaviest in the past six decades — since on Tuesday.

In the northeastern state of Assam, the situation showed some signs of improvement with cessation of rain even as the worst hit Lakhimpur, where 22 people have perished, and Dhemaji districts remained cut off following the breach of National Highway 52.

hindu.com/thehindu/holnus/000200806181964.htm

Rains disrupt life in Jamshedpur

Jamshedpur (PTI): Torrential rains, the highest in a decade, lashing the Steel City and its surrounding areas in Jharkhand, disrupted life for the third day on Wednesday.

Met office sources said a record 338.1 mm rainfall was recorded here since Tuesday morning.

Railway services came to a grinding halt due to the rains, Railway sources said. Most of the trains passing through Tatanagar were either cancelled or diverted.

The police and fire-brigade personnel were kept on high alert and executive magistrates asked to watch the situation which might worsen if the rains continued, East Singhbhum deputy commissioner Ravindra Agarwal told PTI.

Waterlogging was reported from low lying areas and boats were used to evacuate people, he said.

“We have shifted about 400 people to safer places but some people in Kadma and Mango are still stranded on roof-tops,” Agarwal said.

There was, however, no report of any casualty, he said.

Over 100 families in Jugsalai, Bagbera, Shastrinagar, Azadnagar, Daiguttu were affected as water gushed into the areas from Kharkhai river.

Road traffic in several areas, including Bistupur, Jugsalai were disrupted due to water-logging.

The boundary wall of an automobile factory at Adityapur industrial area collapsed last night washing away several semi-finished equipment, including gas cylinders and huge quantity of hydraulic oil.

While some schools in the steel city were closed due to waterlogging, attendance in offices was thin.

hindu.com/thehindu/holnus/004200806181521.htm

Traditional drink ‘Handia’ sells like hotcakes in Orissa

Jharkhand — Fri, 20 Jun 2008 13:28:00 +0000